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Term Paper on Globalization in Africa
The Globalization is a particular way of
defining the current era: as an age characterized by the homogenizing and
alienating force of capitalist economic integration. The term has cultural
connotations, suggesting, for instance, the rise of an international mass
culture powered by new communication technology and the market's penetration
into greater spheres of human activity. Globalization seeks to encompass
allcountries into one economic unit, possibly without governments or
borders.
Particularly after the 15th century, the various explorations, trading and
colonizing countries of the West traversed East Indies, North America, South
America and Africa in search of economic gains and empires usually at the
expense of those with whom they made contacts, conquered or colonized. For
example, it was at the Berlin (Germany) Conference of 1884 that the European
powers partitioned Africa among themselves. Their political and economic
domination of Africa assisted and complemented the Christian missionary
evangelists and Islamic Crusaders who brought new and different cultures
Goods and Gods into Africa. All these worldwide enterprises were
globalization of a sort and were undertaken by almost the same groups of
countries and races that are the main protagonists of today's globalization.
Even though the present day globalization differs in scope, manner and
intensity from these earlier international processes, like slavery,
colonialism or religious fervor, it benefits the same powerful nations at
the expense of more or less the same weak nations.
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While each sovereign nation is trying to have a voice in international
affairs on equal footing, not all countries are participating in the global
economy on anything near an equal footing. This is because there are three
regions in the world today, which emphasize and wish to impose
globalization. They are the European Union, North America (USA and Canada),
and the Pacific Rim countries. The dominance of these three Zones in the
economy of the world and the direction in which they seek to lead the other
countries of the world, has led some economists to say that they should not
really be talking of globalization but of Trade throughout the world by the
three regions.
The African continent remains marginal to almost all the major global
trends. Particularly during the last three decades, the share of African
countries in the global distribution of wealth and power has shrunk almost
irretrievably. Whatever aspect one considers security, foreign investment,
aid, trade, the information revolution, and skilled labor force Africa’s
prospects give little cause for jubilation. While the dynamics of intense
economic competition, technological advancement and economic integration
were underway in much of the world in the past two decades; Africa’s
economies and polities experienced one crisis after another. Not
surprisingly, the short- and medium-term prospects for most African
countries and peoples are depressing, while the challenges to be faced in
order to survive are equally daunting. In order to arrest and reverse the
scourge of marginalization and exclusion, Africans have to embrace fully the
strategy of cooperation and integration as the premium mobile for
sustainable social and economic development.
The individual country’s capacity to function effectively and sustaining is
becoming increasingly compromised. Particularly since the late 1970s, the
social and economic conditions on the continent have been widely rated as
the most deplorable in the world.
In short, colonialism culminated in the
distortion, disarticulation and underdevelopment of African economies and
societies. State structures were severely deformed, dominant classes
marginalized, and cultural forms perverted. As Deborah Brautigam (1994)
notes, “most of today’s countries were totally new states at independence in
1960, and they were given the mantle of statehood without, in most cases,
building a united nation. These new states had only a short period of time
in which to learn how to manage complex bureaucracies before the economic
crisis beginning in the middle to late 1970s caused virtual breakdown of the
public sector”. Viewed retrospectively, the resultant political and social
instabilities in Africa are largely attributable to colonial history.
In the economic realm, nationalist leaders came to preside over economies
that had been grossly distorted to suit the needs of colonial powers.
Health, education, science, government, law, rail and air transport,
agriculture, and the financial sector were all-underdeveloped and designed
to service the old colonial relationships rather than respond to the rising
needs and expectations of the masses. Worse still, little attention had been
given to preparing colonies for independence or even self-government. Human
capital was poorly developed, especially in terms of technical and
professional education, modern technologies, and physical infrastructure was
grossly inadequate to enable Africa to put her economies on a stable growth
path. Surprisingly, inadequate attention was paid by most African
nationalist leaders to interrogate seriously the forms and content of
inherited national economies, let alone to analyze the world economy within
which these leaders were marginal players. Rather than seek to restructure
the colonial foundations of inherited economies, post-independence African
thinking continued to be trapped in an obsolete inter-national division of
labor. It is also important to point out that, for all their rhetoric and
pronouncements of idiosyncratic versions of socialism, African economies
remained largely market economies of varying levels of control.
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Addressing possible futures of Africa is admittedly full of pitfalls. Even
though prediction techniques and instruments have been substantially
developed, the future is, as ever, uncertain. The art of prediction is
largely dependent on the assumption that certain conditions will remain
constant, which in today’s rapidly changing world, they are unlikely to be.
Nonetheless, in an attempt to construct and predict Africa’s futures,
several assumptions have been made. We start with the assumption that the
development pattern in the global political economy will be increasingly
guided by the neo-liberal economic doctrine. It is also assumed that despite
considerable diversification of economic links by African states in the last
three decades since independence, Europe will remain the most significant
economic partner for most of Africa. It should be briefly mentioned that
Europe would strive to multi-lateralize its African relations largely
through WTO. It is further assumed that African economies will not belong
formally to any of the three major trading blocs. However, singly and/or
collectively, African countries will be vertically integrated in EU and
NAFTA markets through the post-Lomé Convention and Africa Growth and
Opportunity Act arrangements respectively. As relatively weak actors in the
prevailing international economic and political systems, the behavior of
African states is likely to be reactive rather than proactive.
Economical Globalization of Liberia
Liberia is a very poor country whose market-based economy had yet to recover
from the ravages of the 1989-1996 civil wars before the UN sanctions were
imposed earlier this year. Average per capita income is estimated at US$ 170
- only a small fraction of the pre-war level - and the unemployment rate of
85 percent indicate that even this low number is unevenly allocated. Despite
the country's rich natural resources and potential self-sufficiency in food,
government officials and former combatants reportedly are exploiting these
resources for personal benefit. The UN Security Council faces its classical
dilemma when it comes to impose sanctions against a country; while they
usually are a response to unacceptable government policies, the real victims
of the sanctions are innocent, poor nationals. While there is little doubt
warlord Charles Taylor's government responsibilities regarding the regional
conflicts and civilian suffering, it is the Liberian population, only
electing Taylor in an atmosphere of intimidation, which is most severely
hurt by the UN sanctions.
Conclusion
In recent years some parts of Africa have made steps on the road to
recovery. Gains in terms of liberalization and economic growth have been
undermined by human development setbacks such as AIDS and civil strife. In
some countries, liberalization appears to have come too soon, while in
others export diversification has led to unprecedented growth. Regional
integration may help to distribute the benefits of globalization while
strengthening the response to the threats, and it is in the political
interests of the international community’s globalizers to ensure that Africa
begins to close the economic gap with the rest of the world.
Liberalization in much of Africa has not yet led to sustained and sufficient
improvements in the quality of life of the continent’s people. Policies need
to move beyond liberalization, therefore, and focus on boosting the
supply-side of Africa’s economy. Growth-oriented strategies should be based
on encouragement to domestic businesses and measures to attract beneficial
foreign investment. Poor health, insecurity and corruption mar the region’s
standing in the eyes of the rest of the world.
References
Beinart, Peter. Globalization and Africa: An Interpretation
Aluko, Sam, the Economic and Political Failure of Globalization in Africa.
Nigeria
Afrol News. (Oct 31, 2001). Disagreement on UN Sanctions against Liberia
Rodney, W. (1972) How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, London
Brautigam, D. (1994), “State Capacity and Effective Governance”, in B. Ndulu,
and N. van de Walle (eds.), Agenda for Africa’s Economic Renewal. New
Brunswick, NJ.
World Bank (1989), Sub-Saharan Africa: From Crisis to Sustainable Growth.
Washington, DC: The World Bank
Onimode, B. (1989), IMF, the World Bank and Africa’s Debt: The Economic
Impact. London.
Streeten, P. (1998) “Globalization: Threat or Solution”, in A. Bhalla (ed.),
Globalization, Growth and Marginalization. New York.
Ankie M. M. Hoogvelt. (1997), Globalization and the Postcolonial World: the
New Political Economy of Development Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins
University; New York: Peter Lang, c2000.
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